High alert in Jammu and Kashmir as Amit Shah to review security situation

High alert in Jammu and Kashmir as Amit Shah to review security situation


Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on a three-day visit to Jammu and Kashmir. A high alert has been sounded across the Union Territory, from the Line of Control (LoC) to major cities, with intensified checking, frisking, and anti-terror operations. Given that Shah’s visit is high-profile, security across Jammu and Kashmir has been significantly tightened, stretching from border areas along the LoC to urban centres.

Surprise Cordon and Search Operations (CASOs) and intensified frisking are being carried out in Srinagar, Jammu, and other district headquarters.

Authorities have taken serious note of a purported threat message from the “Falcon Squad,” reportedly linked to LeT/TRF and targeting the Kashmiri Pandit community, which surfaced ahead of the visit. However, police are verifying the authenticity of the poster.

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Not only cities and towns, but border areas and the Line of Control have also been placed on high alert to counter any possible cross-border infiltration attempts during the visit. Just ahead of Shah’s arrival, security forces eliminated three Jaish-e-Mohammed terrorists in two separate encounters in Jammu province.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah will begin his three-day tour of Jammu and Kashmir today. He is scheduled to arrive in Jammu and meet political leaders at the Raj Bhawan.

Shah is also scheduled to visit the International Border (IB) in the Hiranagar sector of Kathua district, where he will inspect newly installed gadgets and equipment deployed by the Border Security Force (BSF) to prevent infiltration. Senior officers will brief him on the security situation and the BSF’s counter-terror and counter-infiltration strategies aimed at foiling cross-border terror plans.

As the country’s security chief, Shah will chair a major security review meeting with the Lieutenant Governor, senior Ministry of Home Affairs officials, and heads of security agencies, including the Intelligence Bureau (IB), Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs), BSF, SIA, SSB, and the Jammu and Kashmir Police.

The Home Minister will travel to Srinagar on Saturday morning to launch and inaugurate several development projects. He will also conduct a security review of the Kashmir Valley and receive briefings on the situation along the Line of Control and in border districts.



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DNA: Decoding Mamata Banerjee’s historic appearance before the Supreme Court bench

DNA: Decoding Mamata Banerjee’s historic appearance before the Supreme Court bench


For the first time in constitutional history, a sitting Chief Minister presented her case in the Supreme Court by describing an issue as one related to public interest. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee approached the Supreme Court over the issue of Special Intensive Revision (SIR), calling it a major public concern. This report analyses the constitutional development. In today’s DNA, Rahul Sinha, Managing Editor, of Zee News, analysed Mamata Banerjee’s SC appearance.

The Supreme Court was scheduled to hear Mamata Banerjee’s petition against SIR before a bench headed by the Chief Justice. Here is a chronological account of the proceedings.  Mamata Banerjee arrived at the Supreme Court at 10:10 am for the hearing.

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At 10:15 am, she entered the Chief Justice’s courtroom and took a seat in the last row of the visiting gallery. In court proceedings, a designated area known as the visiting gallery is meant for petitioners to sit until their matter is taken up for hearing.

The hearing in the Chief Justice’s court began at 10:30 am.

Several petitions were listed before the Chief Justice’s bench. Mamata Banerjee’s petition was taken up at 1:00 pm. Until then, she remained seated in the visiting gallery at the back of the courtroom. From 10:15 am to 1:00 pm, she quietly waited for her case to be heard.

At 1:00 pm, the hearing on her petition began. Her counsel, Shyam Divan, started presenting arguments on her behalf.

As the hearing commenced, Mamata Banerjee moved from the back bench to the front, where petitioners are permitted to sit alongside their lawyers. While her counsel was presenting arguments, Mamata Banerjee stood up. Visuals showed her seated on the first bench with folded hands.

Known for her aggressive public posture, Mamata Banerjee appeared in a markedly different manner in the Supreme Court, standing with folded hands and displaying humility.

Addressing the Chief Justice’s bench, she said she had studied law and was familiar with Supreme Court procedures. She stated that she had filed the petition herself, that the matter concerned West Bengal, and that she belonged to the same state. She requested permission to present her side. The Chief Justice responded lightheartedly, saying there was no doubt that she belonged to that state.

Legally, advocates represent petitioners in court. Mamata Banerjee sought permission to speak despite not being a practising advocate. She holds an LLB degree but is not registered with any State Bar Council, has not cleared the All India Bar Examination, and does not hold a Certificate of Practice from the Bar Council of India. As a result, she is considered a law graduate but not an advocate.

To address the court herself, Mamata Banerjee had filed an interim application seeking permission to argue. Under legal provisions, any individual may seek permission to present their own case in court.

In her application, she stated that as the petitioner in an Article 32 writ, she was fully aware of the facts of the case and therefore should be allowed to present her submissions.

At 1:16 pm, Mamata Banerjee began addressing the court. With folded hands, she thanked the Chief Justice, Justice Bagchi, and Justice Pancholi for allowing her to speak. She presented her arguments until 1:36 pm. During this 20-minute period, the Election Commission’s counsel intervened several times, to which she responded by requesting, with folded hands, to be allowed to continue.

In her submissions, she opposed SIR, stating that steps being attempted within two months before elections were matters that should have been carried out over two years.

She said Aadhaar cards were not being recognised in West Bengal, and documents accepted in other states were being rejected there. She questioned the urgency and alleged that more than 100 people had lost their lives, including Booth Level Officers (BLOs). She said West Bengal was being specifically targeted.

She further alleged that micro-observers had been appointed who were deleting names by bypassing the authority of BLOs. She cited cases where women using their husband’s surname after marriage were being marked as mismatches and had their names deleted from electoral rolls.

After Mamata Banerjee concluded her arguments, the Election Commission’s counsel presented submissions. Following the hearing, the court issued notice to the Election Commission and sought its response by Monday, February 9.

Images of Mamata Banerjee standing with folded hands have become an important visual record of the legal battle against SIR. The appearance also conveyed her message that the fight against SIR is being pursued from the streets to the Supreme Court. It was also noted that West Bengal is scheduled to hold Assembly elections in April or May.





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Ghaziabad horror: 3 minor sisters jump off 9th floor, suicide note reveals online game angle – What happened?

Ghaziabad horror: 3 minor sisters jump off 9th floor, suicide note reveals online game angle – What happened?


Ghaziabad horror: In a shocking incident, three minor sisters died after jumping off the ninth floor of their residential building in Uttar Pradesh’s Ghaziabad. An investigation into the incident is underway. 

ANI reported that the incident occurred around 2 am last night under Tila Mod Police Limits in the Loni area. It is being said that they used to play an online task-based game.

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As per ANI, Assistant Commissioner of Police, Atul Kumar Singh, informed that the deceased minor girls have been identified as Nishika (16), Prachi (14), and Pakhi (12), daughters of Chetan Kumar, a resident of Ghaziabad. 

The top cop further stated that the minors were immediately taken to the hospital, where they were declared dead.

“The Police Response Vehicle (PRV) received information at approximately 2:15 am that three girls had jumped from the balcony from 9th floor in Bharat City, located in the Tilamod police station area, and had died at the scene. Upon reaching the scene and conducting an investigation, it was confirmed that the three girls, identified as Nishika (approximately 16 years old), Prachi (approximately 14 years old), and Pakhi (approximately 12 years old), daughters of Chetan Kumar, had died due to the fall,” ACP Singh said. 

“They were taken by ambulance to the 50-bed hospital in Loni, where doctors declared all three girls dead. The police are conducting further legal proceedings,” the police official added. 

Further details on the case are awaited. 

Suicide note emerges

According to IANS, police also recovered a suicide note in which the girls reportedly said they could not live without online Korean games. Meanwhile, their father was unaware of their addiction.

Their father, Chetan Kumar, told IANS that he was devastated after seeing a note left by his daughters.

The note, he said, had a message for him which read as: “Sorry, Papa…we cannot leave Korea. Korea is our life, and you can’t make us leave it. That’s why we are committing suicide.” 

Kumar said he did not know what games his daughters were playing, and if these had forced them to do some kind of task.

(with agencies’ inputs) 

(Discussions on suicides can be triggering for some. But suicides are preventable. If you are looking for help, some suicide prevention helpline numbers in India are 011-40769002 from Sanjivini (Delhi-based, 10 am – 5.30 pm) and 044-24640050 from Sneha Foundation (Chennai-based, 8 am – 10 pm), ‪+91 9999666555‬ from Vandrevala Foundation (Mumbai-based, 24×7).





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Bengal election 2026: Factors that could hurt CM Mamata Banerjee’s TMC | Analysis

Bengal election 2026: Factors that could hurt CM Mamata Banerjee’s TMC | Analysis


Bengal election 2026: West Bengal is set to enter election mode in the coming months, leading to heightened political activity across the state. Leaders from both the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are gearing up for a high-stakes battle, with the chief ministerial position at the centre of the contest. TMC supremo and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has been in power since 2011. She rose to power on a strong anti-incumbency wave, effectively ending the three-decade-long rule of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front government. In doing so, she became the first woman to hold the office of Chief Minister in West Bengal. Before this, she had also served as a Union Cabinet Minister.

Popularly known as Didi in the state and in political circles, Mamata Banerjee remains one of the most influential and strongest figures in West Bengal politics, backed by a long political journey that comes from her established presence at both grassroot and national levels. However, with the elections approaching, it is essential to assess the factors that could potentially hurt the Mamata Banerjee-led TMC government.

Also Check- West Bengal Election 2026: Can Left Revive Itself From Dormancy? Expert Says

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Challenges TMC is facing in this election

Kunal Debnath, PhD, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Rabindra Bharati University, explained that one of the major challenges confronting the TMC government is the anti-incumbency sentiment after nearly 15 years in power.

“Anti-incumbency is not a new issue, but it is more concerning when coupled with huge corruption charges against top leaders and ministers,” he stated.

Notably, there is no concrete evidence to suggest whether allegations of corruption will play a decisive role in shaping electoral outcomes.

Debnath further pointed out that beyond corruption, the TMC faces several structural challenges, including unemployment, fiscal constraints, low levels of industrialisation, and irregular or stagnant recruitment in public institutions, among others.

How important is the urban vote for TMC?

In the 2021 state elections, the TMC outperformed the BJP across urban, semi-urban, and rural constituencies. According to Debnath, this demonstrated that the party’s electoral strength rested on broad-based support rather than dependence on urban centres alone.

“There is no official, standardised classification released by the Election Commission or state authorities that splits these 294 constituencies explicitly into “urban” and “rural” categories. Approximately, 32 per cent of constituencies are urban, 20 per cent are mixed or semi-urban, and the remaining 48 per cent are rural. So, given this distribution, it would be misleading to argue that only the urban vote is decisive for the TMC,” he said.

What role is national politics playing in Bengal’s election?

The TMC government has repeatedly levelled charges against the BJP-led central government, including alleged discrepancies in the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise and the withholding of MGNREGA funds. This has brought centre-state relations into sharp focus ahead of the polls.

“We cannot say that assembly elections in West Bengal are independent of national politics. Rather, it is important to note that the TMC or the CPI(M) always label the BJP’s cultural nationalism—largely based on Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan, as exclusionary and cultural imposition, allowing them to frame the BJP as a cultural outsider rather than a locally rooted party,” Debnath said.

He further added that the CPI(M) seeks to differentiate itself from the TMC by arguing that the latter indirectly facilitates the BJP’s national dominance, including through passive cooperation or abstentions in Parliament. The party further alleges that central agencies such as the CBI and the ED have not acted rigorously against corruption charges involving TMC leaders, suggesting a tacit understanding between the state and the Centre, he said.

In addition, Debnath explained,  “The TMC actively leverages national political developments, such as debates around the CAA, NRC, SIR, and symbolic projects like the Ram Mandir, to consolidate minority support by presenting itself as their primary protector. As a result, national politics in Bengal functions not merely as a background context but as a key arena of electoral strategy, ideological contestation, and inter-opposition rivalry.”

Youth and first-time voters in Bengal

In the 2026 elections, youth voters, including Gen Z and first-time voters, are expected to play a significant role in shaping political narratives, even if they do not solely determine the final outcome.

“This cohort, which makes up roughly one-fifth to one-quarter of the electorate, is highly visible, digitally connected, and sensitive to issues such as unemployment and economic opportunity, which are widely perceived concerns among young people in the state,” Debnath emphasised.

“Many youths also have socio-economic ties to the ruling party, through casual or contractual jobs in government-linked sectors, social welfare schemes, or beneficiary networks, which can influence their political outlook and voting behaviour,” he noted.

While Gen-Z and other young voters may not act as a monolithic bloc, their issue priorities and turnout are influencing party strategies and campaign narratives, particularly in competitive urban and semi-urban seats, even as final electoral outcomes continue to depend on how effectively parties consolidate support among rural and older voter groups.

As West Bengal moves closer to the 2026 Assembly elections, Mamata Banerjee and the TMC face a complex electoral landscape shaped by governance challenges, national political currents, and shifting voter demographics. While the Chief Minister retains a strong personal brand, sustained challenges and emerging political alternatives could test the party’s dominance.



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J-K: NIA conducts raids at 5 locations in 3 districts of Kashmir Valley

J-K: NIA conducts raids at 5 locations in 3 districts of Kashmir Valley


The National Investigation Agency (NIA) today conducted simultaneous raids at five locations in three districts of the Kashmir Valley. These operations are part of an ongoing investigation to crush the terror networks and support structures for terror activities. 

Searches were carried out in three major districts: Srinagar, Baramullah and Bandipora. Raids have been carried out in Rafiabad, Sopore, Bomai, Bandipora, and the Parimpora area of Srinagar. 

In Srinagar NIA team conducted a raid at the residence of one individual in the Mustaabad area of Lawaypora. 

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In Bandipora, the residence of a retired teacher was searched. His son is reportedly already under detention under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). 

In Baramullah, three places were raided. The house of a government employee in Rafiabad, working in the Agriculture Department, was raided.

Another house of a teacher at Edipora, Bomai, was raided. 

The third house was of a former terrorist, Bandpora, Bomai, which was raided. 

The NIA teams are being assisted by the Jammu and Kashmir Police and the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) to maintain security during the searches. Sources said that search teams have seized many objectionable materials, including electronic data devices, mobile phones, and some pen drives. 

These raids follow a series of recent actions by the NIA targeting terror modules and their logistical networks.

Action is intensified after the latest intelligence report that terrorists are planning big attacks in Jammu and Kashmir. 

Apart from NIA, SIA, and ED, security forces had also launched massive searches and combing operations in forests, towns, and cities to keep a check on terrorists and their OGWs.

Intelligence Reports also indicate that approximately 136 terrorists are active in J&K, with a notable shift towards foreign recruits numbering 127 Pakistani terrorists, while 9 are locals active in the region. 

Intelligence reports state that terrorists are increasingly using encrypted messaging apps for coordination and financing to remain hybrid and carry on terror activities. 

After a recent report that the ISI is planning Fedayeen attacks in the region, and 12 hardcore are prepared for the task search operation across UT, mostly in the upper reaches, is being carried out day and night. Just in the first month of 2026, more than 100 anti-terror operations were carried out. 6 hideouts were busted, and three IEDs were destroyed. 

There are also reports that approximately 82 terror launch pads are reactivated by terror handlers across the Line of Control (LoC), with roughly 120-150 Pakistani-trained terrorists awaiting opportunities to infiltrate. Keeping this input in view, a high alert is also sounded at the Line of Control (LoC) and the international borders.



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Explained | Bengal’s binary politics: Why the state voters struggle to imagine alternatives

Explained | Bengal’s binary politics: Why the state voters struggle to imagine alternatives


For a region that prides itself on intellectual depth and cultural debate, Bengal has long been uncomfortable with shades of grey. Its public life, from culture to cuisine to politics, is dominated by stark either-or choices, leaving little room for alternatives or nuance. That habit is now shaping the state’s political future in troubling ways. 

The pattern is familiar. In football, loyalty is split between East Bengal and Mohun Bagan, with other clubs barely entering public conversation. Culinary debates reduce themselves to hilsa versus prawn. Identity arguments circle endlessly around Bangal and ghoti. While the middle ground exists, it remains narrow and politically weak. Bengal’s politics mirrors this tendency, operating almost entirely within rigid binaries.

What do people mean by ‘Binary Politics’?

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In Bengal, political contests often come down to a simple face-off, a secular regional party versus a national majoritarian force. Voters are repeatedly asked to pick between what is framed as a protector of secular identity and local pride (the TMC) and a party projecting itself as a challenger to that dominance with a different national vision (the BJP). This narrow framing has frozen the political imagination of many, reducing choice to a stark “either-or”.

Indian Secular Front (ISF) leader Naushad Siddique recently called for unity among the Left, Congress and the ISF, arguing that only a broad alliance can break this TMC-BJP duopoly. He described the current dynamic as “binary politics” and said smaller parties struggle to gain traction without joining forces.

The confusion surrounding Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s recent intervention during an Enforcement Directorate raid on political consultancy I-PAC is a case in point related to this matter. Was it an act of federal resistance against a central agency, or administrative overreach designed to protect the corrupt? The inability to settle on a clear reading reflects a deeper contradiction, one born of Bengal’s binary political imagination.

Since the Trinamool Congress came to power in 2011, ending the Left Front’s 34-year rule, the party has faced repeated allegations of corruption. From the Saradha and Narada cases to the teacher recruitment scam, the controversies have been persistent. Yet the TMC has continued to win elections. In 2021, it returned to power with a decisive mandate, and in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, it increased its seat tally. The central plank of its survival has been the assertion of “Bengali” identity.

Why have alternatives struggled

Several factors keep new or smaller parties on the margins:

1. Historical dominance and identity narratives

West Bengal’s political history has swung from long Left Front rule to strong regional leadership under the TMC, creating deep loyalties. Attempts by smaller parties to build a distinct base have found limited success, partly because political identities in the state are often shaped more by legacy and personality than clear ideological alternatives.

2. Congress and Left in decline

Once significant forces in Bengal, both the Indian National Congress and Left parties face structural weaknesses. Their inability to present a compelling, unified narrative has left them squeezed between the TMC and BJP, rather than presenting a third narrative that voters can rally around.

3. Political narratives drown out policy debates

Rather than focusing on everyday issues like jobs, development or governance, political battles frequently revolve around identity, rivalry, and crisis narratives, which benefit entrenched parties with strong organisational machinery. This environment makes it harder for issue‑based or new political entrants to resonate widely.

After the BJP’s strong showing in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the TMC sharpened its campaign around an insider-outsider narrative. The Bengali-non-Bengali divide was pushed to the forefront, presenting a culturally unified Bengali identity positioned against what the party portrayed as the communal politics of north Indian parties. 

For many in Bengal, the choice on polling day becomes one of managing risk rather than voting for aspiration. People may fear that a vote for a smaller party could inadvertently help the contender they dislike most. This kind of strategic voting reinforces the binary pattern, even when there’s a grassroots appetite for different voices.

Together, these forces have locked Bengal into another stark political divide, a “secular” TMC versus the BJP’s communal rhetoric; regional identity versus religious nationalism. The Left and the Congress have failed to break this frame or offer a credible alternative. As a result, voters are left choosing between familiar poles rather than imagining something new.

Unless Bengal finds a way to move beyond its comfort with binaries, it risks remaining stuck in a political loop, one that endlessly repeats old ideas while offering little vision for the future.



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